POISONOUS POLITICAL THINKING (WEEKEND SPECIAL)

Poisonous political thinking
Zaw Naing Wynn, 26 August 2009
Canberra, Australia
There have been noises and voices coming out from both inside and outside Burma, which seem
to be soothing the military elite – their sham 2008 constitution and the planned 2010 election. It
is crystal clear that those noises and voices are coming from U Chit Hlaing, U Chan Aye (writer
known as Maung Sue Sann) and Manutha Kyaw Win – all three from inside and exiled so-called
NCGUB1 Dr Sein Win and Dr Thaun Htun.
Their idiotic political thinking stems from their so-called national reconciliation approach by
recognising the 2008 constitution (drawn by the military elite is better than nothing) and by
participating in the 2010 election.
According to them, there are a variety of dangers for the National League for Democracy (NLD)
and other political forces for not taking part in the 2010 election. These misguided thinking may
be attractive to naive persons, but if thought carefully it seems they are leading to and paving the
way for the military elite’s forever lasting rule in Burma.
The 2008 constitution was not drafted by the people or their elected representatives, but by the
military elite to prolong their rule. If the 2010 election held and accepted, the Parliament will be
dominated by the military elite in military reform, so it would be far from a meaningful
democracy. As in the autocratic nations like China, North Korea, Cuba and Viet Nam, the
military with uniform will dominate the politics in Burma.
If politics were defined as doing what is only possible, then the revolts and people uprising would
not have happened and will not in the future. The reason Burma gained full independence from
the colonial slavery was due to the refusal of the then diarchy and governor council
administrations.
The so-called politicians who define politics as doing what is only possible are, themselves,
international dole bludgers. They are exploiting the international system and the funding for the
democracy cause and would do anything to join the bandwagon of appeasing the military elite.
Real politicians must be in touch with and trust the people and bravely work for them.
Their shifting stands now seem to be paving the way for the 2010 election, which will only
legitimise the military rule. Their acts are politically meaningless, especially in times of the
political oppression by the military elite of freedom and political movement and organisation and
when hundreds of political prisoners are being held.
Like the old saying ‘you can not teach the old dogs to learn’, they are not able to learn lessons
from history. Burmese way to socialism failed and was overthrown by the people. There are no
such things like ‘(Burmese military’s way to) disciplined democracy.
1 The so-called NCGUB stands for National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.
It is not the NCGUB but Burmese military who is learning international lessons. The regime has
learnt how Russia conduct elections – imposing hyper-technical laws and restrictions, making it
very impossible for the oppositions to break and by allowing only disgraced candidates to run for
elections for the sake of competitions.
The regime also learnt that there is no universally and broadly accepted definition of democracy
akin to the international human rights law. So by holding elections, to them Burma will become
a democratic country.
We do not have to look far. The full title of North Korea is ‘Democratic Republic of Korea. We
should not be surprised, if the regime adopts similar title ‘Democratic, Republic and Union of
Myanmar’.
So, it is evident that the regime is not only buying nuclear technologies but also political
strategies from both Russia and North Korea. There are many more autocratic regimes around
the world, the military regime can learn from. No doubt, they have also learnt from autocrats like
Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan,
Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Mwai Kibaki of Kenya.
The extents of how much they have learnt from those autocrats and regimes remain to be seen
during and after the 2010 election.
For many Burmese, excluding the NCGUB, the efforts of liberation from the military dictatorship
can not be imported from outside, but will be coordinated by the people and the political force
from inside.
The brutal arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, bludgeoning of cease fire groups, prohibiting of
people’s freedom of movements and speech are crystal clear oppression by the military elite.
Given these conditions, NCGUB and its cronies including U Sein Win are proposing the above
plans of national reconciliation approach. It is a just desperate attempt and an ineffective
medicine (as in Burmese saying), full of appeasement and corrupted and ill conceived plans.
They are desperate more than ever because their time as international dole bludgers2 is coming to
an end – thanks to the Global Financial Crisis and also their fear of becoming extinct after the
planned 2010 election (if ever held). More evidently, their road (of the pretentious democracy
struggle for Burma) has hit the biggest and hardest brick wall. That explains why they are so
desperate. But it will become just like the campfire on ice and will only lead to their gradual
demise (there no needs for 2010 election for that).
2 The term “dole bludger” in Australia generally refers to those who exploit the system of unemployment benefits by
avoiding looking for jobs and thereby receiving and living on unemployment benefits by deception.
Using the above analogy, by the term “International dole bludger”, I refer to those so-called democracy activists
including the NCGUB and its cronies who are receiving and living on funding from international donors of all kinds
and thereby making a living in the name of democracy struggle.

NUCLEAR PLAYER IN BURMA AND NORTH KOREA

To win respect and rapid promotion in the Burmese military you have to play hardball. Maj-Gen Thein Htay, who is deputy-chief of Defense Industry l, is one of the toughest players on the field.

Military insiders say that Thein Htay has played a key role in the modernization of the armed forces, and he is one of the prime promoters of the idea of purchasing missiles.

If reports are true that Burma is trying to acquire nuclear weapons, then he is likely to be a key player in that effort.

Last year, he accompanied Gen Thura Shwe Mann, the regime’s No 3 general, on his clandestine trip to North Korea. During the visit, he and Shwe Mann visited several arms factories and a military hardware deal with the Communist regime was signed.

Known to be an extreme nationalist, Thein Htay didn’t serve long at the infantry battalion level, and he was quickly given an important position at the military industry ministry because of his extensive knowledge of the weapons industry.

Thein Htay received special attention when he advised junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe on how to upgrade the Burmese armed forces. He received a “jump” promotion when Than Shwe grew more serious about buying missiles and missile technology after a series of border skirmishes with Thai forces in 2001-2002.

In 1998, Thein Htay was a lieutenant-colonel on the general staff. In 2006, he was promoted to major general, followed by deputy-chief of Defense Industry 1—a sign that he had the trust of Than Shwe.

Sources say that the junta leader sometimes comes to weapons tests when Thein Htay demonstrates newly bought missiles or other weapons.

Defense Industry 1, one of Burma’s main military industrial complexes, operates 22 manufacturing or procurement facilities, many located on the west bank of the Irrawaddy River west of the Pegu mountain range. Several weapon testing grounds are located near Pegu and Pyi.

Military sources said that Thein Htay has been involved in the upgrading and creation of military facilities, including tunnels for missiles, aircraft and even naval ships. He has also expanded technological assistance of Russia, China, North Korea and Singapore.

Under Thein Htay’s command, military factories manufacture conventional weapons, including automatic rifles, light machine guns and landmines. Sources said that at least two military facilities are believed to be involved in refining uranium.

In earlier decades, the Defense Ministry purchased most of its arms and ammunition under contract with the Federal Republic of Germany’s state-owned Fritz Werner, according to defense analysts.

Burma has procured small arms, jet fighters and naval ships from the West particularly the US and EU countries. However, after the 1988 democracy uprising, Western countries imposed arms embargo and stopped selling arms to Burma.

Thein Htay often travels abroad to look for new sources of weapons and ammunition, upgrade missiles, defensive rockets, anti-aircraft radar and command and control technology.

Should Burma be trying to acquire a nuclear capability, Thein Htay and the Defense Ministry will be key players in that effort.

PEACE AGGREMENT BREAKS OUT AND WAR FLAME FLIES IN KOKANG

The MNDAA, led by Chairman Peng Jiasheng, was reportedly joined in a counteroffensive against the Burmese army by its military allies, National Democratic Alliance Army, also known as the Mong La group, and the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

According to sources on the Sino-Burmese border, gunfire was exchanged between the Burmese army and the ethnic ceasefire groups at three different bases near the Kokang stronghold of Laogai for several hours on Thursday.

The sources said the Kokang troops and their allies took back one base from the Burmese army. No casualties were reported.

“The clashes occurred between the Burmese troops and the Kokang Battalion 7 near Laogai,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese military analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border.

“As far as I know, the Kokang have taken back one of their bases,” he added.

Also on Thursday, gunfire broke out briefly in Yanlon, a town near Laogai, when a unit of MNDAA soldiers encircled a group of Burmese policemen who exchanged fire before escaping to the Chinese side of the border, according to sources on the Sino-Burmese border.

Aung Kyaw Zaw told The Irrawaddy that the Burmese police officers inadvertently shot at each other as they fled over the border.

Another source said that at least one Burmese police officer had died during the clash.

“At least seven policemen fled into China. They were later sent back to the Burmese side by Chinese police,” he said.

The skirmish came after about 1,000 soldiers of the Burmese armed forces, or Tatmadaw, seized the Kokang stronghold of Laogai without a shot being fired on Monday night.

Recent tensions had escalated leading up to the fall of Laogai with a drugs raid on the house of Peng Jiasheng, and a military build-up by the Burmese army in the area.

In recent weeks, an estimated 10,000 Kokang civilians have fled to the Chinese side of the border where they are being temporarily sheltered by Chinese authorities.

MNDAA Chairman Peng Jiasheng, who abandoned his house in Laogai before the Burmese army entered the town, reportedly fled with his troops to the base of his closest ally, the UWSA, from where he released a statement on Thursday urging the Burmese regime to withdraw all its troops from Laogai and seek a peaceful solution to the conflict, said Aung Kyaw Zaw.

But tensions still remain high between the Burmese junta and the ethnic ceasefire groups in northeastern Burma as the Tatmadaw steps up its military maneuvers in the region, he said.

Analysts have said that after if they successfully oust the MNDAA from its stronghold, the Burmese regional military commanders will likely turn their focus to the other ceasefire groups.

“After the Burmese regime has control of the Kokang situation, it will make a move on the Mong La group,” said Saeng Juen, one of the editors of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News.

Instead of armed attacks though, the Burmese regime will likely explore alternative methods to break down the ceasefire groups, including the strongest insurgent army, the UWSA, said Saeng Juen.

About 700 Chinese troops have been deployed along the Sino-Burmese border for security reasons, he added.

After the fall of Laogai, several defecting MNDAA leaders were appointed by the Burmese regime as the new Kokang leaders.

However, in his statement, Peng Jiasheng rejected the formation of a new Kokang leadership, saying the new leaders did not represent the Kokang people, said Aung Kyaw Zaw.

Meanwhile, the Burmese authorities have released an arrest warrant for Peng Jiasheng and the commanders loyal to him.

The MNDAA signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military government in 1989.

NEW NUCLEAR BABY IN ASIA

www.dictatorwatch.org: Russia is providing Burma’s dictatorship, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), on its nuclear program and more generally its military modernization. A 10 MW reactor is to be installed in the Kyauk Pa Toe area of Tha Beik Kyin Township, Mandalay Division, by the end of this year. Russia is also providing a factory to produce guided rockets, which will be constructed in Thazi Township in the Pyin Nyaung area on the Shwe Nyaung Railway between Mandalay Division and Southern Shan State. More than 5000 Burmese “State Scholars,” who have already graduated from the Defense Services Academy, are studying in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Their subjects include nuclear science, tunneling science, rocketry, artillery, and a wide variety of other military fields. In return for this assistance, Russia has received mining concessions in Burma for gold, titanium and uranium.

So I don't know if this is true or not, but I'd like to tell Spielberg and Lucas, the above story would have made for a MUCH more interesting plot than the crystal skulls BS. Just saying.

Thousands flood into China after Myanmar army standoff

Large groups crossed the border on Tuesday from Kokang in Myanmar's Shan State, said a Reuters witness in Nansan, a town in China's southern Yunnan province. About 10,000 people have fled Kokang since August 8, China's Chongqing Evening News reported.

The Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma said tensions first flared on August 8 when the Myanmar army deployed hundreds of troops in Kokang, a mostly ethnic Chinese region where rebels have observed a two-decade-old ceasefire with the government.

The rebels issued a statement via the Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front (MPDF), a newly formed alliance of four ethnic groups, saying the army was pressuring its fighters to join a border security force under the government's control ahead of Myanmar's elections planned for 2010.

"Tensions are extremely high," the MPDF said in the statement issued via the U.S. Campaign for Burma. "With anticipation of resurgence of war, tens of thousands of ethnic people have fled."

A Nansan shop owner, Xie Feifei, said refugees were being housed by the local government in disused or half-built homes. He did not know of any who had been sent back.

"We haven't had anything like this happen for about 10 years," Xie told Reuters by telephone on Wednesday. "Many people have been coming across the border but it's fallen off now," Xie added. "I think everyone who wants to escape has already."

A local government official in Nansan, however, told Reuters that no refugees had entered the town.

The U.S. Campaign for Burma said the mobilization of troops was a move by the junta to force ethnic groups to form political parties to contest next year's election, the first in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, in 20 years.

Many ethnic groups feel they have nothing to gain from running in the polls and suspect the junta is trying to neutralize their threat by bringing rebel fighters into the army under the command of the Yangon regime.

The MPDF and Chinese media reports said troops had attacked a factory used by the ethnic groups to service and repair weapons on suspicion it was being used to produce illicit drugs. They said a standoff ensued, prompting thousands to flee the area. Myanmar, which has been ruled by the military since a 1962 coup, is home to more than 100 different ethnic groups.

Many armed groups observe a ceasefire with the government but several have resisted. Ethnic insurgencies have continued, in many cases fueled by the opium trade.

(Reporting by Martin Petty and Chris Buckley in Beijing; Editing by Jason Szep)

Detention now 'worse' for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

The conditions of Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's detention have gotten "worse" since her conviction this month for violating terms of her previous house arrest, her lawyer said Tuesday.

Myanmar's military government has not responded to Suu Kyi's request for a visit by her personal physician, said Nyan Win, her lawyer and spokesman for her National League for Democracy party.

Nyan Win also said he and his colleagues have not yet been given permission to meet the Nobel Peace Prize laureate since they last met to consult on filing an appeal about a week after her Aug. 11 conviction.

"The present regulations imposed on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi are worse than the previous rules," he said. "Daw" is a term of respect.

A Myanmar court found Suu Kyi, 64, guilty of sheltering an uninvited American visitor. Her sentence of three years in prison with hard labor was reduced to 18 months of house arrest by order of military junta leader Senior Gen. Than Shwe.

Suu Kyi was returned to her tightly guarded home the day she was convicted. She has been detained for about 14 of the past 20 years for her nonviolent political activities, but this year was the first time she faced criminal charges.

The court stipulated eight rules for her new term of house arrest, which were generally seen as slightly more liberal than her previous detention, which kept her in almost complete isolation.

Now Suu Kyi and two female companions can receive visitors with prior permission from the authorities, have the right to medical treatment by doctors and nurses, and are allowed to read state-controlled newspapers and magazines and watch state-run television.

But Nyan Win said authorities still had not agreed on Suu Kyi's request to allow her personal doctor to visit instead of one provided by the government.

He said Suu Kyi wanted her personal doctor "as the doctor knows her medical history well."

Suu Kyi earlier told her lawyers she needed clarification from the authorities regarding the terms of her house arrest regarding matters such as visitation rights and medical coverage.

Nyan Win said it is not clear if she will be permitted to meet people she wants to see, or if people who want to visit her can request permission.

Nyan Win said it is now more difficult to send Suu Kyi books than when she was in Insein Prison during her trial because every book has to pass through scrutiny, taking days.

DOES BURMA'S REGIME WANT NUCLEAR? (UPDATE)

Even as he tries to keep his domestic program from falling apart, the president has to pay attention to threats abroad. And this morning, we have a hint why the U.S. may need to pay attention to Myanmar. Last week, we heard from a Virginia senator, who visited that country. Here's one reason why that engagement matters. Myanmar, like Iran, has a nuclear program.

Here's NPR's Michael Sullivan.

MICHAEL SULLIVAN: There is no doubt Myanmar has a nuclear program. It sent scientists, technicians and army officers to Russia for training in recent years. And Moscow has agreed to supply Myanmar with a small nuclear reactor for civilian use. None of this is disputed. The question is do the Burmese generals want a nuclear weapon too.

Mr. BERTIL LINTNER (Yale Global Online): It is quite clear, I think, that although the Burmese may not have a bomb or even a nuclear capability - no, not yet - they're certainly interested in acquiring one.

SULLIVAN: That's Bertil Lintner. He has written extensively about both Myanmar and North Korea from his base in Thailand.

Mr. LINTNER: And they're seeing how the North Koreans have been able to stand up against the Damascus and the rest of the world because they are nuclear armed. And they would like to have the same kind of negotiating positions.

SULLIVAN: Lintner's recent piece in Yale Global Online detailed the growing defense ties between the two countries and the elaborate underground complexes Myanmar's generals are building with help from North Korea. The tunnels, and the reports this summer - ships from North Korea with mysterious cargos bound for Myanmar - have many countries concerned, including the U.S.

Secretary of State Clinton speaking last month in Thailand.

Secretary HILLARY CLINTON (Department of State): We know that there are also growing concerns about military cooperation between North Korea and Burma, which we take very seriously. It would be destabilizing for the region, it would pose a direct threat to Burma's neighbors and it is something as a treaty ally of Thailand that we are taking very seriously.

SULLIVAN: But the ship may have already sailed. Interviews with defectors, done by Professor Desmond Ball of the Australia National University's Defense Study Center and journalist Phil Thornton, suggest Myanmar is already well on its way with two reactors already in place.

One of the defectors who worked for a prominent Burmese businessman with close ties to the military, says his former boss helped transport materials from North Korean ships to the remote nuclear sites.

Unidentified Man: Their first intention is with the help of North Korea, they produce U235. If they get U235, (unintelligible) not so difficult. If they can arrange UF6, they can make the nuclear bomb.

SULLIVAN: Phil Thornton says he believes the defector's story to be both credible and worrisome, since it matches what other defectors interviewed in Thailand has said.

Mr. PHIL THORNTON (Journalist): Professor Ball has estimated, based on the defector's testimonies, that it could be about 2014 that may have enough nuclear material to start thinking about a weapon.

SULLIVAN: Myanmar, of course, denies any weapons program exists, but seems unusually sensitive to the recent publicity about the issue. Virginia Senator Jim Webb says it came up during his meetings with Myanmar's leadership ten days ago.

Senator JIM WEBB (Democrat, Virginia): I did not directly raise the issue of the nuclear program. It was raised to me by a high governmental official, basically saying, you know, we would never move toward a nuclear weapons program.

SULLIVAN: These denials, of course, are met with a great deal of skepticism by those who follow the growing relationship between North Korea and Myanmar. But analyst Bertil Lintner still isn't convinced Myanmar has even one reactor, let alone two. There is no concrete evidence, he says, that the Russians have delivered the reactor they promised, nor, he says, is there any hard evidence the North Koreans have either - though satellite images do show construction around Myanmar's suspected nuclear sites.

What is clear, Lintner says, is that Myanmar's main ally, China, is well aware of Myanmar's nuclear ambitions. Last year's clandestine visit to North Korea but a senior Burmese general, he says, proves it.

Mr. LINTNER: He passed through China on his way to North Korea, back again. On his way back from North Korea, Shwe Mann and his entourage had meetings with high-level officials. It was almost as the Chinese were, not only aware of what this trip through North Korea, but they were closely involved in it. See, it's very convenient for the Chinese to be able to say, we're not doing this. This is the North Koreans. We can't control them. It's kind of a sort of plausible deniability. But there's definitely Chinese complicity in this new corporation between North Korea and Burma.

SULLIVAN: Something else for the U.S. to think about as it considers a review of its policy toward Myanmar, amid the ongoing tug-of-war with North Korea over its nuclear program.

Michael Sullivan, NPR News.

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YETTAW DISCLOSES HIS INTRUTION AT HIS HOME WITH NEWSWEEK JURNALIST

BY AUNG NAING HTWE
John Yettaw, just back from his Burmese prison odyssey, explains how he unwittingly created an international diplomatic crisis.

How was a retired bus driver from Missouri able to make a flipper-clad, two-kilometer swim to the heavily guarded house of Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung Sang Suu Kyi, one of the world's most famous dissidents? While John Yettaw languished in Burmese jail during his trial for "illegal swimming," all we could do is speculate. But now, in an exclusive interview with NEWSWEEK, Yettaw has offered an explanation: Burmese security officials let him. "I don't know why they didn't stop me," he says. "The man with the AK-47 shook my hand and let me in."

In his first full-length interview, conducted by telephone from his home in central Missouri, Yettaw addressed the rationale for his undiplomatic dip, responding to critics and speaking at length about his commitment to Burma. "I want to free Myanmar. I want to stop the suffering there. I am antijunta. I will never be at peace, emotionally or psychologically, until that woman is free, until that nation is free," he said.

Yettaw burst onto the front pages of the world's papers in May, when he had made an uninvited two-day visit to the home of Suu Kyi. "The Lady," as locals call her, trounced opponents in the country's last open election in 1990, but the junta refused to recognize the results and has kept her under arrest for 14 of the past 20 years for trying to topple the regime. She was due to be released on May 27, just weeks after Yettaw showed up, well ahead of next year's landmark national elections—the first in two decades. But earlier this month, Suu Kyi was sentenced to 18 more months of home confinement. On Sunday, Yettaw was freed from seven years of hard labor when U.S. Sen. Jim Webb negotiated for his release; he was deported back to the United States.

Compassionate Release Will not Occurs in Burma ?(WEEKEND SPECIAL)

A lot of people worldwide are shocked to know that Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi, 57, was released based on compassionate ground. Megrahi was jailed in 2001 for blown up the PAN-AM 103 jet plane which claimed 270 lives in 1988. Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill made a decision that the Libyan, who has terminal prostate cancer, would be allowed to return to his homeland. Among the dead were 189 Americans. Americans are very upset about the Scott’s decision because innocent people were killed in this incident.

Unlike Scotland , the Burmese regime has an opposite attitude. The Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s husband, the British academic Michael Aris had terminal prostate cancer like Megrahi have. Michael requested to visit Burma to see his lovely wife Aung San Suu Kyi for one last time, before he died. But the Burmese authorities denied his visa application. Three months later Michael died without fulfill his last wish.

The Scottish judge’s decision is based on his religious belief that even though the Libyan man killed 270 lives, he has to release him based on forgiveness as well as compassionate understanding which allowed the murderer to rejoin with his family before his last breath.

On the other hand, the Burmese generals do not understand compassionate release to Burmese most beloved opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who did not kill any one. She is the one who choose non violent means and her goal is to change Burma as democratic state. Her upper Burma organizational trip was ambushed by the government sponsored criminals and nearly hundred of her followers were beaten to death. She luckily escaped from being murdered. No one was captured for the massacre known as Depeyin Massacre but the regime put her under house arrest and claimed her life was in danger that was the reason they put her house arrest. The regime let the attackers free but the one who was attacked was put under house arrest. This kind of unlawful act clearly proved that people who committed crimes are now ruling Burma and innocent people were systematically thrown into jail.

When her house arrest term was nearly to end, unfortunately, the American man, John Yettaw who has unstable mental state crossed the lake at night on May 3, 2009 and secretly entered Kyi’s lake side villa. He was giving food and shelter by the kind and passionate leader but she requested him to leave because she worried that he might be captured. He was captured when he get out at night.

Aung San Suu Kyi, her two aids and Yettaw were captured and sent to notorious prison called “Insein” similar to the words “Insane”. Fortunately, the generals have an excuse to detain Aung San Suu Kyi for breaching the term of her house arrest that she never committed.

After three months of the arrest Yettaw was sentenced to seven years, Aung San Suu Kyi and two aids were sentenced to three years with hard labor. Then the regime reduced the sentence to 18 months house arrest.

One day after the sentenced, US senator Jim Webb was allowed to visit Burma and met General Than Shwe who is the head of the regime. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon requested twice to meet Aung San Suu Kyi was out right rejected two week ago, but when Webb requested to meet her was smoothly permitted. Is it a coincident?

Conspiracy Theory of Senator Jim Webb visit to Burma

Here are the facts that give us many questions, all the below facts are purely coincident or it is a fixed plan played by Than Shwe, Yettaw and Jim Webb.

1. Yettaw swam with a hand made flip flop in the lake at night which was highly guarded by troops.

2. Yettaw is not a healthy man. He is diabetic and has asthma. How could he swim across the lake for one mile?

3. Yettaw was hospitalized for his illness. His situation in the hospital was video taped and distributed on the web even though he was well guarded and was not allowed to see his condition in the hospital including his lawyer.

4. Senator Jim Webb visited Burma one day after Yettaw was sentenced. He met both Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi.

5. Than Shwe gave an amnesty and allowed Yettaw to go together with Jim Webb.

6. Jim Webb gave a press conference that Aung San Suu Kyi wouldn’t mind to lift sanction. Later Aung San Suu Kyi denied such a thing.

7. Aung San Suu Kyi was now serving another 18 months house arrest, the crime she never committed but Yettaw who broke the law was free.

8. Americans are happy because Yettaw was free two days after his seven years sentenced but Americans were very upset when Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi was free.

In conclusion

It might be a simple coincident. It might be a bigger picture. Senator Jim Webb is an anti-sanction guy. Both he and Yettaw are Vet Veterans. Shortly after the regime locked up Aung San Suu Kyi, Webb arrived the next day. He met Than Shwe then Suu Kyi. Webb has to inform Than Shwe long before he visited Burma and wait for the green light. Two days after his sentenced Yettaw was free to go because the regime does not need Yettaw, only thing they need is to silence Aung San Suu Kyi. Webb got a credit for bringing back Yettaw but Burmese will miss their dear leader for another 18 months or more.

The Story of a Child Soldier

PAPUN, Karen State—Sixteen-year-old Htun Htun Oo, looked relieved and happy when he learned he would be leaving the conflict zone controlled by the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldiers on the Burmese bank of the Salween River, opposite Thailand’s Mae Hong Son province.

The prospect of going to study instead of facing more military duties gave him new hope.

Told he could leave, Htun Htun Oo quickly packed his clothes in a sling bag, put on a watch, applied some Thanaka (Burmese traditional makeup) to his cheeks and said goodbye to the Karen soldiers who had temporarily taken care of him.

Speaking quietly against a background of birdsong and eddying water in the fast flowing Salween River, he told us his story before he left.

Htun Htun Oo escaped from the Burmese Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 341 in Papun District in northern Karen State in July, making his way through the forest eastwards, even though he was not sure whether he would be killed when he reached KNLA-controlled territory.

Before he escaped, senior officers had regularly warned the troops that they would be tortured and killed if they surrendered to Karen rebels.

“Whether I lived or died didn’t matter anymore,” Htun Htun Oo said, “All I wanted to do was escape. I was ready for anything so long as I didn’t have to stay another day in that battalion.”

He said that he had to sleep rough in the jungle for three days before he reached the KNLA area.

“When I arrived on the Burmese side of the Salween River, I started to swim across,” he said, pointing to the waters swollen with monsoon rain streaming by.

“The water was too fast and I was drifting downstream, trying to swim,” he said, “Luckily a boat came along and picked me up.

“The Burmese officers would continually punish us and order us to do additional duties—we were no better than slaves,” he said.

“They didn’t give us enough food, and when we were too exhausted to follow orders, they liked to beat us. I was beaten three times for falling asleep when I was on guard duty at night.

“Every morning we had to get up at five and do military exercises,” Htun Htun Oo said. “Around three in the afternoon we would be ordered into the jungle to cut bamboo and collect leaves to make temporary shelters.

“We didn’t get enough time to sleep as we had guard duty at night. I couldn’t take it any more and decided to run away,” he said.

Htun Htun Oo earned 21,000 kyat [US $19] a month, but said he only got about 7,000 kyat [$6.40] after senior officers made deductions.

Htun Htun Oo said he saw child soldiers in other Burmese battalions, and he knew of eight other child soldiers in LIB 341 alone.

During military training, he said he spoke with a younger comrade called Ye Thew, who told him he had been sexually abused by higher ranking officers on several occasions.

Htun Htun Oo was seized by the Burmese army at a railway station in June 2007 while he was on his way to visit his uncle, who was a policeman in Rangoon,.

“A Burmese soldier asked me for my ID card, but I didn’t have one because I hadn’t applied for one by then. So they took me away,” he said.

Htun Htun Oo’s case is not untypical. The recruitment of child soldiers in Burma is still widely practiced by the Burmese army, according to Aye Myint, a leader of Guiding Star, a Burma-based social and labor rights group.

In the last three months, more than 20 children who say they were forced by Burmese officials to serve as soldiers were helped by Aye Myint’s group and the International Labour Organization to return to their families.

Commenting in early August on reports that the Burmese government had released some children from the military, the UN’s special representative for children and armed conflict, Radhika Coomaraswamy, was quoted by Reuters as saying: “We still are not sure how comprehensive that is and the extent of it.

And so I am dispatching a team [to Burma] at the end of this month.”

The team would hold talks with the Burmese regime and rebel groups, said Coomaraswamy.
In a report in June, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon accused the Burmese military government and “ethnic rebel militias” of recruiting children to serve as fighters, saying that there had been “grave violations” against children in Burma.

According to a 2002 report by the Washington-based Human Rights Watch, there is no precise figure of the number of child soldiers serving in the Burmese army, but it was estimated that 35-45 percent of new recruits were children, some as young as 11, who were forcibly conscripted and brutally treated during training.

The report estimated that as many as 70,000 recruits were under the age of 18.
Htun Htun Oo said, “I have only one message for the youth of Burma—don’t even think about joining the Burmese army. It is like being in a living hell. You will go so far from home that you will forget it even exists.”

Asked about the Burmese regime’s announcement that the military did not recruit child soldiers, he said, “They are lying.”

US monitoring Myanmar on N.Korea sanctions

A top US diplomat said Friday Washington was monitoring Myanmar's stated commitment to enforcing UN sanctions on North Korea, after reports of possible nuclear cooperation between the Asian nations.

Last month US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton hailed a pledge by military-ruled Myanmar to abide by a UN resolution on the sanctions, following a rare meeting between US and Myanmar officials at an Asian summit.

But reports in recent weeks have said that Pyongyang is helping Myanmar to build a secret nuclear reactor and plutonium extraction plant, and to build an atomic bomb within five years, causing regional concerns.

"The Burmese government did make a commitment during the course of the ARF (Association of Southeast Asian Nations Regional Forum) meetings in Phuket to implement the resolution," Ambassador Philip Goldberg, the US coordinator for the implementation of recent UN sanctions on Pyongang, said in Bangkok.

"We hope and expect that that will be the case but it is something that will require further discussion," he told reporters. US officials refer to Myanmar by its former name, Burma.

Goldberg was in Bangkok as part of an Asian trip aimed at strengthening support for the UN Security Council resolution passed in July in response to North Korea's May 25 underground nuclear test and subsequent missile firings.

The expanded sanctions include tougher inspections of cargo suspected of containing banned missile and nuclear-related items, a tighter arms embargo and new targeted financial curbs to choke off revenue for Pyongyang's nuclear and missile sectors.

Goldberg said Myanmar also had an obligation to adhere to the sanctions resolution because it was a member of the United Nations.

"We will continue to verify that everybody has been abiding by that obligation," Goldberg said.

Suspicions about Myanmar and North Korea escalated in June after a US Navy destroyer began tracking a suspect North Korean ship reportedly heading for Myanmar. The ship eventually turned back to North Korea.

Goldberg also reiterated comments made in Singapore urging Southeast Asian financial institutions to remain vigilant in monitoring transactions that could boost North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missiles programmes.

He is later due to head to South Korea and Japan. He has already travelled to Malaysia, China, Russia and the United Nations to coordinate global efforts to implement the sanctions.

Regime Wants to BeThe Strongest Army in Southeast Asia

The Burmese military regime is well on its way to modernizing its military services, including a self-manufacturing infrastructure for the army, navy and air force.

Many of the changes have occurred under the direction of Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who became chairman of the ruling council in 1992.

The Defense Industry (DI) ministry, Burma’s main military industry agency, operates 22 manufacturing or procurement facilities, many located on the west bank of the Irrawaddy River west of the Pegu mountain range.


Burma army parade during the Armed Forces Day in the administrative capital Naypyidaw on March 27. (Photo: Getty Images)
Lt-Gen Tin Aye, a trusted Than Shwe ally, is chief of the Defense Industry ministry.

Htay Aung, a Thailand-based military researcher, said that since the military took control of the country in 1988, Burma has steadily expanded its military services and modernized armament production and procurement.

“In Southeast Asia, Burma has the second largest military after Vietnam,” Htay Aung told The Irrawaddy.

“The primary reason for military expansion is that the generals fear that Burma could face an invasion, since it is located between two giant neighbors [India and China].”

The regime also may be trying to acquire nuclear weapons, said Htay Aung.

Late in the1950s, the Defense Industry, or Ka Pa Sa, maintained arms and ammunition production facilities under contract with the Federal Republic of Germany’s state-owned Fritz Werner.

Since then, the Defense Industry network has expanded its infrastructure and today manufactures small arms, ammunitions, land mines and other military hardware. Analysts said the Defense Industry also produces surface-to-surface missiles (SSMs), and may be in the process of exploring ways to build or acquire nuclear weapons.

One facility, the No (2) Defense Industry, located in Upper Min Hla Township in Magwe Division, was built by Singapore, say analysts. The facility is said to produce 60 mm, 81 mm, 105 mm and 120 mm mortars. Singapore is a major source of arms technology for Burma, according to analysts.

The Korean Daewoo Company signed a deal with the government in May 2002 to build an arms factory valued at US $133 million near Prome in Pegu Division. The factory may build or assemble missiles.

No (10) Defense Industry was built in 1993 near Kongyi village in Upper-Min Hla Township in Magwe Division to manufacture surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), air-to-air missiles (AAMs) and rocket launchers. Parts and other material at the No (10) Defense Industry facility are believed to be supplied by South Korea, Russia and China. Defense analysts say the junta may have started a guided missile development program with the help of firms in Singapore.

In the face of an arms embargo by Western countries, the regime now relies on China, South Korea, North Korea and Russia for help in upgrading its military hardware.

The junta’s desire to acquire some form of nuclear weapons has received extensive exposure in the media in recent months, including in The Irrawaddy.

A Rangoon-based company, Soe Min Htaik Co. Ltd, plays a central role in weapons procurement from China, South Korea, North Korea and Russia.

Soe Min Htaik Co. Ltd is a private company that was formed by Burma’s Defense Industry in the early 1990.

Analysts say Soe Min Htaik Co. procured surface-to-surface missiles (SSMs) from China and North Korea.

The Burmese military also has created two military-managed economic organizations: the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (UMEHL), established in 1989 and 1990 respectively.

The mission of the two commercial enterprises is to make the military services self-sufficient. Heavy weapons, ammunition and other defense technology are acquired with profits from MEC and UMEHL.

The UMEHL has numerous subsidiary and affiliated firms engaged in trading with Singapore, Japan, Malaysia, China, South Korea and India. Cooking oil, fuel oil and automobiles are important imports while exports include cigarettes, beans and pulses, gems, garment products and gas.

UMEHL also has earned hundreds of millions of dollars from the Daewoo Company which has a contract to export natural gas.

Defense analysts have said that Than Shwe has a goal to acquire nuclear weapon capability by 2025

US man says: "no regrets!"

"If I had to do it again, I would do it a hundred times, a hundred times, to save her life," an exhausted-looking Yettaw said of Aung San Suu Kyi in an interview with The Associated Press after arriving in the U.S. on Wednesday.

He added, "That they locked her up, it just breaks my heart."

Yettaw, 53, was wearing a blue surgical mask and clutching a green Harrods bag as he was pushed in a wheelchair through Chicago's O'Hare International Airport after his arrival. Yettaw, who has been ill since his arrest in Myanmar, wore the mask to guard against infection.

The American is from the tiny south-central Missouri town of Falcon, but he generated global headlines after he was arrested and sentenced to hard labor for visiting the home of Suu Kyi. Yettaw was deported Sunday from Myanmar after the intervention of U.S. Sen. Jim Webb, D-Va.

Yettaw has testified that he swam to the Nobel Laureate's house in May to warn her that he had a "vision" that she would be assassinated. Though Yettaw was released, Suu Kyi and her two live-in aides remain in detention because of Yettaw's visit, and Yettaw has been called a fool and a madman by some of her supporters.

As he waited in Chicago to board a flight to Springfield, Mo. — his last destination after a nearly 24-hour journey from Bangkok — Yettaw sat with his head in his hands, his eyes bloodshot.

His companion, who did not identify herself, said he was "very tired." He flashed the sign language symbol for "I love you" and nodded and smiled when asked whether he was happy to be home.

When asked later if he would comment further, Yettaw said "I wish I could talk more. I can't" and made a zipper motion across his mouth. When he arrived in Springfield on Wednesday night, he was greeted by a police officer after collecting his luggage. He did not speak to media on the flight.

Yettaw had flown with Webb to neighboring Thailand on a U.S. government plane Sunday and underwent two days of medical tests at a private Bangkok hospital.

Webb said Yettaw had suffered a "medical incident" just before leaving Myanmar as authorities there read him his deportation order. While in custody in a Yangon jail during his trial, he had a seizure and was hospitalized for a week. He also reportedly suffers from diabetes and asthma.

Yettaw, a Mormon who lives on a military pension from serving in the Army for about a year in 1973, traveled to Myanmar in early May and donned homemade flippers for a nighttime swim to Suu Kyi's lakeside home. The incident led to a trial that sparked global condemnation in which Suu Kyi was sentenced to an additional 18 months of detention for breaching the terms of her house arrest. She has already spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention.

Suu Kyi's lawyers have described Yettaw's release was a "very ugly" turn.

Yettaw testified that he was on a divine mission to save the democracy leader, saying he had a "vision" she was going to be assassinated and wanted to warn her. Suu Kyi testified that she repeatedly asked Yettaw to leave but relented because he complained of exhaustion and she was concerned for his safety.

___

Associated Press Writer Jocelyn Gecker in Bangkok contributed to this report.

US Senator: Burma Denies Nuclear Plans

U.S. Senator Jim Webb, who recently held talks with Burma's military leaders, says the government denies reports that it is trying to acquire nuclear technology. The senator also says Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has indicated a willingness to see some sanctions on Burma lifted.

Senator Jim Webb says he did not directly raise the issue of whether Burma has a covert nuclear program during talks with the country's leader, General Than Shwe. Webb met with the reclusive leader on Saturday, the first high-ranking U.S. official to do so.

However, he said Monday that the Burmese government denied having a nuclear program.

"But it was communicated to me earlier on that there was no truth to that, from a very high level in their government," Webb said.

Earlier this month, Australian researchers said interviews with defectors from Burma revealed that the government has a secret nuclear program, allegedly aided by North Korea. In June, a North Korean ship believed to be headed to Burma with a suspicious cargo turned back under international pressure. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned that any military ties between Burma and North Korea pose a security threat to the region.

In an unprecedented gesture toward the United States, Webb was allowed to meet opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon Saturday. He also was able to win the release of a U.S. citizen, John Yettaw, jailed for illegally visiting Aung San Suu Kyi at her home in May. That visit led to the government extending her house arrest by 18 months.

Webb says it appears Aung San Suu Kyi might not oppose easing sanctions on Burma. The U.S, the European Union and other Western governments have imposed economic sanctions over the years to punish the repressive military government. Webb favors the eventual lifting of sanctions on Burma, which he and others argue only increased the isolation of its people.

"I don't want to take the risk of misrepresenting her views," Webb said. "But I would say to you that it was my clear impression from her that she is not opposed to lifting some sanctions."

In the late 1990s, Aung San Suu Kyi expressed some support for economic sanctions as a way to pressure the government to recognize her party's election victory in 1990 and allow it to form a government. But in recent years, she has not publicly commented on sanctions. She has spent 14 of the last 20 years under house arrest.

On Sunday, Webb said Washington needs to develop new ways to end Burma's isolation and bring about political and economic change. Webb, a Democrat, spoke with Secretary Clinton Sunday and will brief her again upon his return to Washington.

The chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs is on a five-nation tour of Southeast Asia. From Bangkok, he will fly to Cambodia Tuesday and from there, to Vietnam.

More bricks in the wall around her

The Economist
August 19, 2009

The junta cocks another snook at the Burmese people and foreign opinion
The only surprise was that it took so long. After many delays, a court in Rangoon this week delivered its verdict on opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The ruling junta’s staunchest foe was consigned to another 18 months of detention at her home, as punishment for a bizarre incident in May when an American eccentric swam to her lakeside villa. This, the court ruled, broke the terms of the house arrest she was already serving. Her reasonable defence, that as a prisoner she was in no position to fend off uninvited visitors, was brushed aside by the court.

The pretext provided by the hapless visitor, John Yettaw, a 54-year-old Mormon, may have been fortuitous. But the outcome was never in doubt. The junta was always determined to prolong Miss Suu Kyi’s detention, which was about to expire, until after elections that are planned for some time next year. At large, Miss Suu Kyi, who is probably as loved as the generals are hated, would jeopardise this tightly controlled exercise. The last time the regime held an election, in 1990—when she was already locked up—her party won over 60% of the votes and 80% of the seats. The results have never been honoured.

This week Miss Suu Kyi’s initial sentence was for three years’ hard labour. But in a carefully choreographed intervention, the interior minister promptly stood up to announce that the junta leader, General Than Shwe, had magnanimously commuted it. By giving a gentler sentence he may hope to minimise international outrage. Another explanation was hinted at by Miss Suu Kyi’s lawyer, who suggested the act of clemency might also complicate the appeal she is to make against the verdict. At the very least, the manner in which Than Shwe directed her trial is a reminder, if one were necessary, of how completely the armed forces control all of Burma’s institutions. The whole country is a prisoner of the regime.

Mr Yettaw, who testified he was motivated to make his swim by a vision in a dream, was told to serve four years’ hard labour and three years in prison. Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese scholar at Chiang Mai University in Thailand, suggests that the regime will be keen to expel him sooner than that. The generals probably do not want Bill Clinton pitching up in Rangoon, as he did in North Korea, to appeal for mercy.

The trial has given the opposition, many of whose leaders are in exile or in jail, some publicity. It has provoked routine international condemnation and calls from activists and others for an arms embargo and further sanctions. Yet it is doubtful that much will change. Burma already faces Western sanctions, while enjoying trading links with Asian neighbours. The country can rely on Chinese and Russian support in the United Nations Security Council, so harsh new measures against the regime—even an arms embargo—are unlikely. When the UN’s secretary-general, Ban Ki-moon, visited Burma in July to beg the generals to free Miss Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, they simply ignored him. This week the Security Council could not even agree on a statement criticising the verdict on Miss Suu Kyi. As Western and even South-East Asian governments condemned it, China urged the world to respect Burma’s laws.

Burma has been under a military dictatorship since 1962 and the generals’ grip looks as strong as ever. Nonetheless, the planned general election raises the tantalising possibility that politics could change. Although the armed forces will remain supreme, the new administration will have a civilian face. The election will be neither free nor fair—it is not even clear how candidates will be selected—yet the establishment of a new system could still amount to the greatest upheaval in domestic politics since the army seized power. The most optimistic analysis is that the new arrangements offer the remote possibility of some change for the better, even if that is not their architects’ intention.

Outsiders may have more to worry about than the lack of democracy in Burma, however. Last month Hillary Clinton, the American secretary of state, while in Thailand for a security conference, suggested that Burma may be receiving assistance from North Korea in building nuclear weapons. Defectors speaking to Australian researchers have alleged that an elaborate nuclear programme is being concealed in tunnels. If such suspicions persist, that issue may come to shape American thinking on Burma at least as much as the persecution of Miss Suu Kyi and other unfortunate democrats.

MOVEMENT IN SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA TO FREE DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI

San Francisco Bay Are democratic forces call an action protest against Burmese military regime's exclusive manner extending 18 months house arrest of 1991 Nobel Peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Demonstration took place in front of the House speaker Nancy Pelosi's office federal building in San Francisco, California, USA. Mainly Burmese activists and friends of Burma called for "Free Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners unconditionally and immidiately" ; moreover, activists expressed their dissatifiction of Senator Jim Webb's efforts on the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

At the rally, a representative of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi expressed her concern: Conviction of Aung San Suu Kyi is a step backward for Burma. " The politically- motivated trial and conviction of Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kti is another step backward for future of the Burmese people. The international community must send a clear message that elections in Burma, planned for 2010, will not be open or credible without the participation of imprisoned and detined pro-democracy leaders. Let therer be no doubt that the United States will continue to support Aung San Suu Kyi as she inspires the world in her fight for the freedom of the Burmese people."

In Solidarity,
Ko Ko Lay
SF

Irish Mayor Launches Petition for Suu Kyi’s Release

Suu Kyi was sentenced to a further 18 months of house arrest by a military-controlled court in Burma on August 11 for breaching the terms of her previous house arrest.

The lord mayor urged young people to be aware of human rights and to spread the message of support for Suu Kyi through social networks such as Facebook and Twitter.

“Dublin is a city that prides itself on its social conscience, and young people approached me last week who were truly angry at the 18 months house arrest sentence,” she said. “I realize I could have just issued a statement condemning the injustice, but I wanted Dublin and its young people to have their say.

“Aung San Suu Kyi is a global icon of heroic and peaceful resistance in the face of military repression, and she takes her rightful place in history amongst other great civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi, who I know inspired her. I am calling on the military junta in Burma to immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

“I recall the great wisdom in the words of Aung San Suu Kyi when she said, ‘Please use your liberty to promote ours,’ in calling on people around the world to join the struggle for freedom in Burma,” she said.

Burma Action Ireland welcomed the opening of the book of solidarity and urged the public to sign the book in support of Suu Kyi, asking that they use their freedom “to promote hers".

Well-known singer Bono of the Irish rock band U2 also sent a message of support for the book of solidarity campaign.

“This bunch of crooks that call themselves a government continue to rob the people of Burma of their rightful leader,’ Bono said. “This mock trial and its sham verdict is a signal not of junta strength but of fear and cowardice–fear of a 64-year-old woman whom they dare not even let walk down the street.”

Another reaction to the sentencing of Suu Kyi came on August 13, when the New York-based Global Justice Center (GJC) denounced the UN secretary-general’s response to Suu Kyi’s conviction and called for a UN Security Council referral to bring Burma’s junta leaders to the International Criminal Court.

“The Global Justice Center takes exception to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s remarks which fail to address the junta’s systematic rule by crime,” the GJC said, calling for Ban Ki-moon to end the junta’s impunity and not just “convey his ‘disappointment’ and call for ‘reconciliation.’

“Aung San Suu Kyi ‘s conviction is a crime against humanity by means of a judicial order. Judges are Sen-Gen Than Shwe’s weapons of choice and judges U Thaung Nyunt and U Nye Nye Soe, who convicted Aung San Suu Kyi, are ‘top performers’ in the junta’s judicial arsenal,” the GJC said.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Thein Oo, chairman of the exiled Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC), said: “Suu Kyi’s trial shows that there are many unfair trials and sham verdicts in Burma, and that the Burmese military commit crimes against humanity.”

“The BLC is trying to initiate action to bring Burma’s junta leaders before the International Criminal Court in cooperation with the Global Justice Center, the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH, Paris) and the Women's League of Burma (WLB). The UN Security Council can play an important role in this,” he said.

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/ wnfaqmuyf rkH wln=DuwJth wGu f / t&m&m wpof m;wn;f usw hJ tajctaewp&f yfuzdk efw;D zdk@qdkwmr
v,G fuyl gb;l / tveG rf cS ucf yJ gw, f // 'gayrJhvn;f =ur;f wr;f curf mjyD; titf m;=u;D veG ;f w&Jh efoel J@&iqf idk f
ae&wtJh cg ( awmfveS af &;wp&f y&f J@ &Sdoi&fh Sxd dkufwoJh abmobm0twidk f; - ) tcsi;f csi;f =um;rmS &oSd i&fh Sd
xudk fw Jh ppk n;f nDnwG rf ul dkawm h / &Eidk foavmufwnfaqmuf,&l rmS jzpyf gw,f //
nnD Gwfa&; qdkwmuvn;f - pum;v;kH aweG J@ wnfaqmu&f Hk / tmabmitf m&i;f oefoe f [p f
a=u;G ae&Hkwpcf kwn;f eJ@rvakH vmubf ;l / wu,jfzpfvkdw Jh oabmxm; pwd qf EeN J@vuaf wG@usus taumitf
xnfazmrf [l mt"Duusygw, f //
vwfwavm O;D pmG yxr vtdk ycf suf uawm h / r[mAsL[m / en;f AsL[mawuG dkjyefvnfo;kH oyrf l /
qe;f pprf al wGuvdk yk &f ygvrd rfh , f // 'aD emu f vtdk y&f ifvtdk yfwJh jyiqf irf l / ajymi;f vrJ lawGudkvyk &f rmS jzpwf , f
bma=umifhq kd Oyrmtm;jzi fh - twkdutf ctH itf m;pak w=Gum; wpfowH n;f rxGufw jJhy\em ( csO;f uyyf kH
trsKd ;rsKd ;uGJjym;r l / &ywf ncf sufujGJym;r l / &n&f G,cf sufujGJym;rl rsm;a=umijfh zpof n f ) utdk m;v;kH jrif=ujy;D jzp f
vdk@ygy J // 'ga=umifh jrerf mEh idk if Ha&;tajymi;f tv J twuG f b,fybkH ,ef n;f qkdw Jh ta&G@[m tm;aumi;f armi;f
oejfzprf vmcJhov dk / uvk or*e~ J@ Eidk fiwH um&J@csO;f uyrf [l mvn;f t"ud tajymi;f tveJ J@ tvrS ;f umG veG ;f
aewmuydk g ab;xGufq;dk usKd ;tjzpfawG@vm&ygw, f //
wzurf Smuvn;f urmB huvk or*t~ zGJ@tpnf; qdkwm[m titf m;=u;D Eikd if HawG ( t"du ADwydk dki&f iS f
aw G ) &J@Eidk if Ha&;upm;uiG ;f wpcf xk u f rydok v dk / Edkiif wH pEf idk if H&J@wu,vfh tdk yfcsuef J@ t[ynf Dw Jh tajymi;f t
vrJ sKd ; twGuaf wm h yg0gr Jh urmB th zGJ@tpn;f jzpfw, f // Eidk if Hwum qdkwmuvn;f ol@tusKd ;p;D ymG ;eJ@olwGu f
csufjy;D rcS sO;f uy f xpd yaf e =uwmjzpfw,f // jrerf mhEidk if Ha&; twudk tf ctH itf m;pkawGxrJ mS q&dk ifvn;f -
etzpptf p;dk & a&G@&mS ;rlu dk taumi;f jriwf Jhorl sm; ( vu&f pSd pftyk pf ek J@y;l aygi;f aeolaw G ) // bmb&J &
tacsmifvdku f csiforl sm; ( pwd fu;l a&mipf ekH J@jcpH n;f &;dk cxG dkiaf eoal w G ) / tajccHupjy;D ajymi;f vrJ S
&r,vf dk@jriwf Jhorl sm; (pptf m%m&iS pf epfu dk z,&f mS ;&efusKd ;pm;aeolawG ) ponjfzi fh
trsKd ;rsKd ;uGJjym;aeral =umi fh / toAH vH rsKd ;pekH J@ &yfax;G aejy;D / &iS ;f vi;f jywfom;w Jh yokH ¿me f wpcf kwnf;udk
qyk qf yk fuidk fuidk &f zdk@&m tveG cf uaf eygw, f //
b,fodk@qadk p useG af wmfwdk@&J@wrd ;f nwG rf [l m bmu&dk n&f ,G fw,fqwdk m ta&;t=u;D q;kH yg y J //
- 'aD e&mrmS nDnwG fa&;twuG fwnaf qmuyf ekH J@ywfoufjy;D / wijfycsu[f m useG fawmf&h J@tErk me
pO;f pm;csurf sm;omjzpfwtJh wuG f jynpfh kHvakH vmuwf ,fvk@drqvdk ydk gb;l / tm;en;f csurf sm;&aSd umif;&aSd e Eidk yf g
w,f //
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'gth jyif t,tl qtm;jziqfh ef@usizf ujfzpfaeoal wuG d k r&nfneG ;f ygb;l / bma=umiqfh dk useG af wmpfh O;f
pm;csu[f m pptf m%m&iS pf epfutdk jrpfjywzf ,&f Sm;a&;qwdk Jh &ycf rH al =umiyfh gy J //
en;f vr;f EpS of G,&f Sdw, f / ( 1 ) wyaf ygi;f pzk GJ@weJh n;f vr;f eJ@ / ( 2 ) r[mAsL[mt&nEdS ild ;f jy;D / vyk f
ie;f y;l wGJaqmi&f uG fa&;yjJzpfw, f // 'aD e&mrmS vn;f yxren;f jzpwf Jh jyef@usaJ ewtJh itf m;pak wuG d k wyaf ygi;f p k
yokH ¿mef ppk n;f jy;D wdkuyf 0GJ ifw Jh en;f vr;f eJ@ / 'kw,d en;f jzpfw Jh r[mAsL[m t&p k pn;f vy&f Sm;weJh n;f vr;f
EpS cf uk dk yuwjdzpEf kdiaf jcay:rwl njfyD;pO;f pm;&rmS jzpyf gw, f //
wyaf ygi;f pzk GJ@jy;D wdkuyf 0GJ ifweJh n;f vr;f [m vu&f Sjdzwof e;f cJhw Jh taetxm;t&awm h / twdkutf c H
titf m;pak w=Gum;rmS / ( jynwf iG f;rmS a&m / jynyf rmS yg wyaf ygi;f pak wzG GJ@c=Jhu / &Sad eqJ qdkayr Jh )wu,cf ikd rf m
nnD Gwjf y;D / wudk yf uGJ dk ( ay:vpyD idk ;f a&m / vy&f mS ;ryl idk ;f rmS yg ) O;D aqmirf al y;Edkirf Jh wpcf kwn;f aom wyaf ygi;f p k
qwdk m jzpEf idk zf kd@rvG,uf lkao;ygbl; / bma=umifhq dk twkdutf c H titf m;pkawG=um; / tzGJ@tpn;f wpcf ck si;f &J@
&ywf nfcsuyf pkH H / t ajccoH abmw&m; / &n&f ,G cf su f eJ@tusKd ;p;D ymG ; &arsmyf akH w[G mtveG fuGJjym;aeveG ;f w Jh
twuG fa=umifh ( wcsKd @ae &mawrG mS y*k K~dvfa&;tjrief @JooH ,awtG jyi f / twtW usKd ;zufwG,rf al waG =umi fh )
pum;v;kH oufouf wyfaygi;f p k ( Ekwxf Gupf um;oufou f ) omjzpaf ecJhjy;D / pprf eS wf Jh wyfaygi;f p k wp&f y&f J@
toiG fo¾merf sKd ; / ppk n;f rrl sKd ;eJ@vyk if e;f pOrf sKd ;u dk r&Eidk cf Jh=ubl;jzpwf , f //
'ga=umifh r[mAsL[mt&nEdS dli;f jy;D / vyk fie;f taumitf xnfazmaf qmifwtJh cgrSm / nnD Gwrf SswpGm
y;l waGJ qmi&f GufweJh nf;vr;f [m ( wyaf ygi;f pkwp&f yrf wnaf qmuEf dkiaf o;ci f ) rjzprf aejzwfoe;f oifhweJh n;f
vr;f jzpfw, f / twudk tf caH w=Gum; nDnwG fa&;wnfaqmufwtJh cg tqiEfh pS fqifhjzwfoe;f w Jh / oabmrsKd ;
vn;f jzpfw,f //
- tjyetf veS fowi;f zv,S rf l //
- tzGJ@tpn;f rsm;=um; / tyk pf rk sm;=um; ( wpcf sKd @ae&mrsm;wGi f y*k K~dvaf &;xpd yrf yl g ta&;yg ) rmS /
&ywf nfcsuyf kHo¿me f / a&G@&mS ;ryl kHo¿meuf tdk jyetf vSe f em;vnrf &l aSd pjci;f //
- vyk if e;f azmfaqmirf rl sm;ESiyfh wfouIf tm;en;f csu f / tm;omcsurf sm;jzpaf y:vmonfth cg
tjyetf veS ef m;vnrf l / ulnaD xmuyf rHh l ( pdwyf idk ;f / &yk yf idk ;f / aiaG =u; / taw;G tac:yidk ;f ) //
- Eidk if aH &;aq;G aE;G rrl sm; ( vyk if e;f pOyf dki;f / tajctaeyidk ;f ) urdk =umc%jyKvyk fjci;f //
- wlnvD yk fie;f rsm;udk y;l wIGJ 4i;f / tqifhvkducf GJa0I4i;f azmfaqmifjci;f - tp&SdwtJh aetxm;
rsKd ; / tqirfh sKd ;udkqyk fuidk Ef idk f=ur, f q&dk ifawmh / r[mAsL[mtqinfh ESd idl ;f aq;G aE;G oabmw&l Hkr#omru
en;f AsL[mtqifhawrG Smyg / wlnDvyk if e;f pOfawGu dk yl;wGJaqmi&f uG Ef idk f=uwtJh wuG f tm;omcsuyf rdk sm;vm
rmS jzpwf , f //
odk@aomvf n;f y J y*k v~ dutusKd ;p;D ymG ;u dk quvf uzf uwf G,fxm;vodk lawuG awm h / nnD Gwaf &;qdkw Jh
vtdk yrf lu dk ta=umi;f jycsurf sKd ;pekH J@npEf rG ;f apygvrd Ofh ;D r, f //
useG fawmwf dk@&J@jynof lawtG wGu f / useG fawmwf dk@q;kH jzw&f ygvdrrfh , f / EpS faygi;f EpS qf ,&f Sn=fumvm
jyjDzpfw Jh / 'rD dkua&ptD a&;awmyf =kHu;D &J@aemuqf ufwtGJ usKd ;qutf jzp f jynof lvlx&k J@b0[mzwG foxufnp f
vmwmuvjGJ y;D / b,fvadk umi;f reG wf Jh ajymi;f vrJ rl sKd ;u&dk cjJh yDv J // //
oufxeG ;f (88rsK;d qufausmi;f om;rsm;jynyf )
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Can We see National Reconciliation ?

“အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ႔ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္း ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါ႔မလား”

ဝါးလ္စရိဂ်ာနယ္တြင္ပါရွိေသာ “ျမန္မာအတိုက္ခံမ်ား အေလွ်ာ႔အတင္း လုပ္ရန္စဥ္းစား ေနၿပီီ” ဆုိေသာေဆာင္ပါးကုိဖတ္ရႈၿပီးေသာအခါ ၿပဳံးလိုက္မိသည္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္သည္ စစ္အစိုိးရ ကို ၁၉၇၄ ခုႏွစ္ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ဦးသန္႔ေရးခင္းမွစတင္၍ ဆန္႔က်င္လာခဲ့သူျဖစ္သည္။ ၀ါရင့္ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးသမားတဦးအေနႏွင့္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ အတိုက္ခံတို႔၏ စိတ္ဓာတ္ေရးရာကို ရာစုႏွစ္ ႏွစ္စုေက်ာ္အၾကာ နက္နက္ရႈိင္းရႈိုင္းပါ ၀င္ပတ္သက္သိရွိသူတဦးျဖစ္၍ ေကာင္းေကာင္းနား လည္သေဘာေပါက္သူ တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

NCGUB ၏ လမ္းေၾကာင္းသစ္ဟုေခၚေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးသည္ ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႔အားလုံးအတြက္ အသစ္အဆန္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ ၎လမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ NLD ပါတီက ၁၉၉၀အလြန္ကာလတြင္ စတင္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ေသာ္ မေအာင္ျမင္သည့္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းေဟာင္း တခု သာျဖစ္ပါသည္။ NCGUB ႏွင့္ NCUB တို႔အတူ ၎တို႔လက္သင့္ရာေရြးခ်ယ္၍ ဖိတ္ေခၚထား ေသာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ နအဖအေပၚကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္သည္ အရာထင္ အက်ဳိးရွိလိမ့္မည္ မဟုတ္ဟု ႀကိမ္းေသေျပာရဲပါသည္။ စစ္အုပ္စုအေနႏွင့္ ၎တို႔အားအဖက္လုပ္၍ စကားတလုံး တေလမွ်ပင္ ျပန္ၾကားလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ေခ်။

ဂ်ာကာတာကြန္ဗင္းရွင္းတြင္ ၎တို႔က သံတမာန္မ်ားကိုဖိတ္ၾကားၿပီး ၎တို႔၏ “အမ်ဳိး သားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး” လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားကို ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပၾကမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထိုမွတဆင့္ ထို အဆိုျပဳခ်က္စာတန္းကို နအဖထံေပးပို႔ၿပီးဆုံးျဖတ္ေစမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၎ကြန္ဗင္းရွင္း၏ အဓိက ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွာ ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပံ့မႈႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေထာက္ခံအားေပးမႈတို႔ကို ႏိုင္ငံျခားတိုင္း ျပည္မ်ားမွ ရရွိရန္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

ထိုစာတန္း၏အဆိုအရ အကယ္၍ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုမွ ၎စာတန္းပါအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ကို သေဘာက် ႀကိဳက္ႏွစ္သက္ပါက အတိုက္ခံတို႔အေနႏွင့္ စတင္ေဆြးေႏြးရမည္။ ၎စာတန္း အရ ပထမဦးဆုံးစတင္ေဆြးေႏြးရမည့္အခ်က္မွာ (၂၀၀၈) ခုႏွစ္အေျခခံဥပေဒကို အမ်ားလက္ ခံလာသည္အထိ ညွိႏႈိင္းေရးဆြဲေရးပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

၎အဆိုျပဳခ်က္သည္ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ဆန္ေၾကာင္းကို ဆက္လက္တင္ျပေဆြးေႏြးသြားပါမည္။

(၁) ယေန႔အမ်ဳိးသာ ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို တင္သြင္းလာေသာ NCGUB, NCUB ႏွင့္ ၎တို႔၏ လက္ေရြးစင္ (၇) ဖြဲ႕သည္ ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို ဦးေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕စည္းမ်ားအ ျဖစ္ ျပည္ပအင္အားစုမ်ားမွမသတ္မွတ္ထားေပ။ ၎တို႔စုစည္းထားသည့္ ညီညြတ္ေရး ဆိုသည္ မွာလည္း တကယ္ညီညြတ္ေရးမဟုတ္ ေကာ္ကပ္ညီညြတ္ေရးသာျဖစ္သည္။ ၎တို႔ကုိ NLD ပါတီႏွင့္ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ NLD ပါတီသည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ အႏိုင္ရသည့္ပါတီႀကီး ျဖစ္သည္။ လူထုႀကီးက ပါတီေနာက္တြင္ရွိသည္။ ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ သည္ ျမန္မာ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္သာမက ကမၻာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ သူရဲေကာင္းတဦးျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ခံထား ရသူျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ NLD ပါတီႏွင့္ ၎ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ တို႔မွ (နအဖ) အား အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကမ္းလွမ္းမႈကို နအဖမွပယ္ခ်ထားခဲ့သည္။ NCGUB တို႔ကဲ့သို႔ ေရာ့ရဲရဲညီညြတ္ေရးလုပ္ထားၿပီး ျပည္ပလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားမွ ေအာ့ႏွလုံးနာေန သည့္အဖြဲ႔အား နအဖသည္ ထည့္၍ပင္စဥ္းစားလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ေခ်။

(၂) ကမၻာ့ကုလသမဂၢ၊ ဥေရာပသမဂၢ၊ အာဆီယံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔မွ ေဒၚ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား လႊတ္ေပးရန္ေတာင္းဆိုေနသည့္ၾကားမွ (နအဖ)တရားရုံးမွ အလုပ္ ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ေထာင္ဒဏ္သုံးႏွစ္ ခ်မွတ္လိုက္သည္။ ဆိုင္းငံ့အျဖစ္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ (၁၈) လႏွင့္ ေနအိမ္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္သို႔ ၾသဂုတ္လ(၁၁)ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုလုပ္ရပ္ကုိ ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္္ NCGUB တင္သြင္းလာသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို (နအဖ) မွ စိတ္မ၀င္စားေၾကာင္း ထပ္ေလာင္းသက္ေသထူလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ (၂၀၁၀) ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဆက္လက္ခ်ီတက္ေတာ့မည့္အေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

(၃) ဂ်ာကာတာ အုပ္စု၀င္တဦးျဖစ္သူ ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္မွ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ “ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဘာကိုလိုခ်င္တယ္ဆိုတာကိုစဥ္းစားတာထက္ စစ္္အုပ္စုကဘာကိုလုပ္ေပး ႏိုင္တယ္၊ ဘာကိုလုပ္မေပးႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာကို စဥ္းစားၿပီးလုပ္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟုဆိုခဲ့သည္။ ၎တို႔၏ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ပင္ “ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လႊတ္ေပးေရးွႏွင့္ (၁၉၉၀)ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလာဒ္ကိုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳေရး” ဆိုသည့္ အတိုက္ အခံတို႔မွ အစဥ္တစိုက္ေတာင္းဆိုေနခဲ့သည့္ အခ်က္ႏွစ္ခ်က္ကို ခ်န္လွပ္ထားခဲ့ၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသား ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့သည္။ ကိုညဳိအုံးျမင့္တို႔အေနႏွင့္ ၎အခ်က္သည္ စစ္အုပ္စုမွ လက္မခံႏိုင္သည့္အခ်က္ႏွစ္ခ်က္အျဖစ္ သေဘာထားခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ယထာဘူတ က်က်စဥ္းစား ေတြးေခၚရလွ်င္ စစ္အုပ္စုသည္ ၎တို႔လႊတ္ေပးခ်င္သူမ်ားကို လႊတ္ေပးေနၾကျဖစ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအားလုံး လႊတ္ေပးခ်င္ကလႊတ္ေပးႏိုင္သည္။ ၎တို႔အတြက္ျပႆနာ မဟုတ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို လႊတ္ေပးလုိက္ ျပန္ဖမ္းဆီးလိုက္ လုပ္ေနၾကျဖစ္သည္။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေသာတရားဥပေဒ တည္ရွိမေနေသာ ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လႊတ္ေပးေရးသည္ စစ္အုပ္စုမွ လုပ္ႏိုင္ေသာအလုပ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး မလုပ္ေသးျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။

၁၉၈၀ ခုႏွစ္က စစ္အုပ္စုအေနႏွင့္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္သည့္ သံဃာ့ မဟာနာယကအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးကို ဖြဲ႕စည္းေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုအခ်ိန္မွစ၍ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ခရီးသြား လာရာတြင္ သံဃာမွတ္ပုံတင္ျဖင့္သာ သြားလာရေတာ့သည္။ ယခင္ကလို မွတ္ပုံတင္မရွိပဲ လြတ္လပ္စြာသြားလာခြင့္ ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းသြားခဲ့သည္။ အစိုးရထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္တြင္မရွိေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ႏိုးၾကားသည့္အုပ္စုႀကီးျဖစ္သျဖင့္ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းမွ စိုးရိမ္ ေသာအုပ္စုမ်ားထဲတြင္ ထိပ္တန္းမွပါ၀င္ေနသည္။ ၎တို႔အစီအရင္တိုင္း သံဃာ့ မဟာနာယကအဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ သံဃာ့ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒတို႔ကို အတည္ျပဳၿပီး သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို အစိုးရမွထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္ေသာ အေျခအေနရသည့္ႏွင့္တၿပိဳင္နက္ အေထြေထြလြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာ ခြင့္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအားေပး၍ ေထာင္မွလႊတ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ သည္လည္း တိုင္းျပည္အာဏာကို စစ္အုပ္စိုးမႈေအာက္တြင္ ထာ၀ရေရာက္ေနေစမည့္ (၂၀၁၀) ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္၎တို႔ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသားအႏိုင္ရၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား မ်ားကို လႊတ္ေပး၍ အမွတ္ယူေပလိမ့္မည္။
ထိုစစ္အုပ္စု၏ အဓိကရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ေသာ စစ္တပ္မွဆက္လက္ဗို္လ္က်စိုးမိုးထားႏိုင္ ေရးလမ္းစဥ္သည္ (၂၀၁၀) ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏိုင္ရေရးပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ (၂၀၁၀) ေရြးေကာက္ ပြဲသည္ (၂၀၀၈) ခုႏွစ္ အေျခခံဥပေဒအေပၚတြင္မူတည္၍ ျပဳလုပ္ထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ၎ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတည္ျပဳႏိုင္ေရးကို စစ္အုပ္စုအေနျဖင့္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းရာစုႏွစ္(၂) ခုနီးပါး က်ိဳးစား အေကာင္ထည္ေဖာ္ခဲ့ရသည္။

NCGUB မွ တင္သြင္းလာေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးစာတန္းကို ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ေလ့လာၾကည့္ပါက ၎စာတန္းသည္ စစ္အုပ္စုမွတန္ဘိုးအထားဆုံးျဖစ္သည့္္ (၂၀၀၈) ခု အ ေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲေရးပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားလႊတ္ေပး ေရးႏွင့္ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲေရးႏွစ္ခ်က္တြင္ မည္သည့္အခ်က္ကို စစ္အုပ္စုမွ လက္ခံလိမ့္မည္ဟု ထင္သနည္း?

စစ္အုပ္စုသည္ မည္သည့္အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးတြင္မွ ၎တို႔ေရးဆြဲထားသည့္အေျခခံဥပေဒ ကို ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲျခင္းကို ခြင့္ျပဳလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ေခ်။ ၎တို႔ွႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္ေရးယူထားသည့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ အလုိဆႏၵကိုဆန္႔က်င္ၿပီး အတည္ျပဳထား သည့္အေျခခံဥပေဒကို အစိုးရမည္ခံ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္မရွိေသာ လူခုႏွစ္ဦးအဖြဲ႕၏ ညြန္႔ေပါင္း ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ကို စဥ္းစားပါ့မလားဟု ေမးခြန္းထုတ္လိုက္ခ်င္္ပါသည္။ ဤအခ်က္မ်ားသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို တကယ္မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း သုံးသပ္တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ထိုသို႔မဟုတ္ပဲ “အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို ဟန္ျပအေနျဖင့္တင္ျပျခင္းမ်ဳိးလားဟု” စဥ္းစားရန္ရွိပါသည္။

၎တို႔တင္ျပေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးသည္ အေပၚယံတင္ျပခ်က္သာျဖစ္သည္။ ပယ္ခ် ခံရမည္ကို က်ိန္းေသသိၿပီးျဖစ္လွ်က္ တင္ျပျခင္းမ်ဳိးလည္းျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ျဖစ္လွ်င္ မည္သည့္ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သနည္းဟု ဆန္းစစ္ၾကည့္ရန္ လုိအပ္လာပါသည္။ NCGUB, NCUB သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲကိုၾကည့္လွ်င္ ၎တို႔သည္ ရာစုႏွစ္တခုအတြင္း မျဖစ္ ဖူးေသးေသာ အဓိကအဖြဲ႕စည္းႀကီး (၁၀) ဖြဲ႕သည္ ညီညြတ္စြာျဖင့္ ဂ်ာကာတာတြင္ ညီလာခံ က်င္းပေတာ႔မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာခဲ့သည္။ ၎ေၾကျငာခ်က္သည္ အခ်က္ႏွစ္ခ်က္ကို မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပေနခဲ့သည္။

(၁) NCGUB, NCUB တို႔သည္ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ကုလသမဂၢတြင္ စစ္စိုးရ၏ ကိုယ္ စားျပဳမႈကို စိန္ေခၚသည့္ကိစၥႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ကြဲၿပဲခဲ့ၾကသည္။ တဖန္ အိုင္ယာလန္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ထပ္ကြဲၾကျပန္သည္။ စစ္အစိုးရကိုယ္စားလွယ္အား ကုလသမဂၢမွ ထုတ္ပယ္လိုသည့္အုပ္စုႏွင့္ မထုတ္ပယ္လိုသည့္အုပ္စု ႏွစ္ခုကြဲကာ မဲခြဲဆံုးျဖတ္ရသည့္အဆင့္ထိေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။ စစ္အစိုး ရကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေနပါသည္ဆိုေသာသူမ်ားထဲတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရန္သင့္မသင့္ မဲခြဲ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရျခင္းက သမိုင္းအမဲစက္တခုအျဖစ္ တင္က်န္ရစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၎မဲခြဲမႈတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အား ကုလသမဂၢမွထုတ္ပယ္မႈကို လက္မခံသည့္အုပ္စုမွ အႏိုင္ရသြားသည္ကို ၾကည့္လွ်င္ အဓိကအဖြဲ႔ႀကီးမ်ားတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရကိုဆန္႔က်င္ေသာအုပ္စုက အေရးနိိမ့္ေန ေၾကာင္း ထိုစဥ္ကတည္းက မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပခဲ့သည္။ ထိုအကြဲအၿပဲေၾကာင့္ ၎တို႔ကို ေထာက္ပ့ံ ေနေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားက ညီညြတ္မႈမရွိျခင္းကို အေၾကာင္းျပ၍ ေငြေၾကးျဖတ္ေတာက္ ျခင္းကို ခံခဲ့ရသည္၊ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ဂ်ာကာတာညီလာခံသည္ NCGUB, NCUB တို႔အျပင္ ၎တို႔လက္ေ၀ခံ ေမဂ်ာအဖြဲ႔ႀကီးမ်ားကပါ ညီညြတ္ေနၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပသႏိုင္ရန္ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔မွသာ ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပ့ံသူမ်ားက အားတက္သေရာ ျပန္လည္ကူညီလာၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

(၂) NCGUB အေနႏွင့္ ၎အဖြဲ႕ စတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည့္ (၁၉၉၁) ခုႏွစ္မွစ၍ ယေန႔တိုင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားကိုဦးေဆာင္ဖိတ္ၾကားၿပီး တိုင္ပင္ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္း၊ လမ္းညႊန္ျခင္း၊ ၎တို႔လႈပ္ရွားမႈအားရွင္းျပျခင္း အလ်ဥ္းမရွိခဲ့ေခ်။ အျခားျခားေသာ အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ားမွ ဖိတ္ၾကား သည့္အခါ တက္ေရာက္ၿပီးမိန္႔ခြန္းေခြ်သည့္အလုပ္သာ လုပ္ေနခဲ့သည္။ ယခု ဂ်ာကာတာ အစည္းေ၀းပြဲသည္ ရာစုႏွစ္တခုအတြင္း မျဖစ္ဖူးေသးသည့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎တို႔မွ ေၾကျငာလိုက္ျခင္းသည္ မည္သည့္အခ်က္ကိုရည္ညြန္သနည္းဟု ဆန္းစစ္ၾကည့္ရန္လိုပါ သည္။

ထိုရာစုႏွစ္ (၁) ခုေက်ာ္ အတြင္း အဓိကအဖြဲ႔ႀကီးမ်ားစုစည္းမႈသည္ တကယ့္စုစည္းမႈဟု ယူဆ၍မရပါ လက္သင့္ရာ မိမိႏွင့္အလြမ္းသင့္သူမ်ားကိုသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ဖိတ္ေခၚသည့္ပြဲျဖစ္ သည္။ မိမိစားရိတ္ မိမိစားၿပီး တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို က်သည့္ေနရာ၊ ႏိုင္သည့္၀န္ ထမ္းၿပီး လုပ္ေနေသာသူမ်ား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားကို ဖိတ္ၾကားျခင္း အသိေပးျခင္းမရွိပဲျပဳလုပ္ ေသာ အစည္းအေ၀းပြဲျဖစ္သျဖင့္ တန္ဘုိးရွိေသာစုစည္းမႈဟု မေခၚႏိုင္ေခ်။ တဖက္မွလည္း NCGUB သည္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္တခုအတြင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားကို လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈ ထားခဲ့ၿပီး ဆယ္ႏွစ္အၾကာကာလေရာက္မွ တႀကိမ္စုစည္းႏိုင္သည္ဟု ၀န္ခံလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ သည္။

ဦးစိန္၀င္း၏ေျပာေနၾကစကားမွာ “ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔မွာ ပိုက္ဆံမရွိဘူး” ဟူေသာ စကားသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးအတြက္ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္လုပ္ေနသူမ်ားကို ေရွာင္ရွားၾကသည္။ လ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္ၾကသည္။ တြဲမလုပ္ခ်င္ၾက။ ကိုယ့္အုပ္စု ကိုယ့္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းေလးႏွင့္သာ ၿခံခတ္ ေနသူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ၎တို႔အေနႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းႏွစ္ဆယ္နီးပါးအခ်ိန္အတြင္း အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ား အားလုံးကို ဖိတ္ၾကားသည့္ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ တခုတေလမွ်မလုပ္ခဲ့ပဲ အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ားကဖိတ္ၾကားသည့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားကိုသာ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေနရာယူထားေသာ္လည္း ကိုယ္က ဦးေဆာင္လုပ္ရမွန္းမသိ။ အျခားအဖြဲ႕မ်ားေခၚရာသို႔သာ လိုက္တတ္သည့္အေျခအေနအဆင့္ တြင္သာ ရွိခဲ့သည္။

လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ရန္အတြက္ တပ္ေထာင္ဖို႔လိုသည္။ ထိုကိစၥကို ေဆြးေႏြးၾကည့္ ပါဆိုလွ်င္လည္း ဦးစိန္၀င္းက “အဲဒီလိုလုပ္ရင္ ပိုက္ဆံရမွာမဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်” ဟု ေျပာတတ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ABSDF ဖြဲ႕ကာစက ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ တပ္ေထာင္လွ်င္ ပိုက္ဆံရမွာ မဟုတ္လို႔ တပ္မေထာင္ဘူးကြာဆိုသည့္ အေတြးမ်ဳိးမရွိခဲ့ဘူးေခ်။ တပ္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္မွာ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ တပ္ေထာင္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။”

ယေန႔ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတြင္ NCGUB ကဲ့သို႔ အစိုးရအမည္ခံအဖြဲ႔စည္း မွအစ အသီးသီးေသာအဖြဲ႕အစည္မ်ားသည္ “ပရုိပိုဆယ္ႏိုင္ငံေရး” အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းလာၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစိတ္၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသေဘာတရားေပ်ာက္ကြယ္၍ ေငြရႏိုင္သည့္ အလုပ္မွလြဲ၍ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္သည့္လမ္ေၾကာင္းမွ ေသြဖယ္၍သြားျခင္းသည္ အားလုံးအတြက္ဆုံးရႈံးမႈျဖစ္သည္။ ပို၍ဆိုးသည္ကား ၎တို႔က အဓိကအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား အမည္ခံၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္စားေနၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္စားသူမ်ား ဂိုဏ္းႀကီးမ်ားဖြဲ႔ၿပီး တဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္တဖြဲ႕ေထာက္ခံျခင္း၊ ေပါင္းစားျခင္း၊ တကယ္လုပ္ေနသူမ်ား၏လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဟန္႔ တားျခင္း၊ ဂိတ္ေစာင့္မ်ားလုပ္၍ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္းျဖင့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကိုအႏုၾကမ္းစီးကာ သာယာ ေနခဲ့ၾကသည္။

တခ်ိန္က အစည္းအေ၀းတခုတြင္ တက္ေရာက္သူတခ်ဳိ႕က NCGUB အေနႏွင့္ ေငြ မည္မွ်ရသည္။ ဘယ္လိုေနရာတြင္သုံးသည္၊ ဘာေတြလုပ္ေနသည္တို႔ကို ရွင္းျပရန္ေဆြးေႏြး ေသာအခါ ဦးစိန္၀င္းက “ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ကို ေမးတဲ့သူေတြကို ျပန္ေမးခ်င္တယ္ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ကို အစိုးရဆုိၿပီး အခြန္ဘယ္ေလာက္ေပးေနလို႔လဲ၊ အစိုးရဆိုတာ ကိုယ့္ကို အခြန္ေပးတဲ့သူေတြကို ရွင္းျပဖို႔တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္အခြန္မေပးတဲ့သူေတြကို ရွင္းျပစရာ မလိုဘူး၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ကို ေငြေၾကးအကူအညီေပးတဲ့အဖြဲ႔ေတြကိုသာ ရွင္းျပမယ္” ဟုဆိုခဲ့ ဘူးပါသည္။

အခ်ဳပ္အားျဖင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးအထုပ္ကို တင္လာသည့္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာသို႔ ၎တို႔မွာ ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာရွိေနၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ထို႔အျပင္ ညီညြတ္ေရးတည္ေဆာက္ၿပီးၿပီျဖစ္၍ ထိုလုပ္ငန္းကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရန္ ေငြလိုသည္ ေငြေပးပါဟူ၍ ေတာင္းရန္ျဖစ္သည္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီရရွိေရးထက္ ၎တို႔လက္၀ါးရိုက္ထားေသာအုပ္စုတို႔၏ စား၀တ္ေနေရးေျပလည္ေစရန္အတြက္ ေထာက္ပ့ံ ေငြရရွိေရးသက္သက္ လုပ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔လုပ္ေဆာင္လိုက္သျဖင့္ ရရွိလာေသာ အက်ဳိးဆက္ႏွစ္ရပ္မွာ….
၁။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုမ်ားက ၎တို႔အား ေအာ့ႏွလုံးနာမႈ ရြံရွာမုန္းတီးမႈတို႔ကို ပို၍ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစသည္။
၂။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားအၾကားတြင္ ေပၚလစီရႈပ္ေထြးမႈကို ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစၿပီး၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ရမည္ေလာ၊ ဆန္႔က်င္တုိက္ဖ်က္ရမည္ေလာဆိုသည့္ ေတြေ၀မႈ၊ စိတ္ အေႏွာက္ အယွက္ျဖစ္မႈ၊ စိတ္ပ်က္မႈတို႔ကို ျဖစ္ေပၚေစသည္။

NCGUBကိုယ္စားလွယ္ကိုေသာင္းထြန္းက“အဓိကအင္အားစုျဖစ္တဲ့(NLD)နဲ႔ တိုင္းရင္း သားအဖြဲ႔အစည္းႀကီးမ်ားအတြက္ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာတနည္းနည္းနဲ႔ မပါ၀င္ခဲ့ရင္ ေဘးေရာက္ သြားမည့္ အႏၱရာယ္ရွိေနပါတယ္” လို႔ ေျပာခဲ့ပါသည္။ ထုိေျပာၾကားခ်က္အရ NCGUB ရဲ႕ အေသအေၾကေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္သည္ (နအဖ) ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဘယ္လိုပုံစံနဲ႔ ၀င္ႏိုင္မလဲဆိုသည့္ ေတြးေခၚႀကံဆမႈဟု ယုံၾကည္ရပါသည္။

ျပည္ပတြင္ တကယ္အရည္ခ်င္းရွိေသာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား သူ႔အုပ္စုနဲ႔သူတစိုက္မတ္ မတ္လုပ္ေနၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းႏွင့္ဆက္စပ္၍ သူ႔အစုႏွင့္သူ ရွိေနၾကပါသည္။ ၎အုပ္စုမ်ားသည္ ယခုအခါ တဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္တဖြဲ႕ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ၿပီး ဆက္သြယ္ေရးကြန္ယက္မ်ား ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပတြင္တည္ ေဆာက္ျခင္း သတင္းဖလွယ္ျခင္း ေဆြးေႏြးတိုင္ပင္ျခင္းတို႔ကို ခံစားခ်က္၊ ခံယူခ်က္အျပည့္ျဖင့္ ပူးတြဲျပဳလုပ္ေနၾကသည္။ တဖဲြ႕ႏွင့္တဖြဲ႕ အျပန္အလွန္ေလစားမႈ၊ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမႈတို႔ျဖင့္ ႏွစ္ (၂၀) ေက်ာ္အေတြ႕ႀကဳံအရ စုစည္းလာၾကသည္။ ပို၍နီးကပ္လာၾကသည္။ ၎တို႔သည္ မိမိတို႔ ယုံၾကည္ရာကို မိမိအုပ္စုျဖင့္ တူညီေသာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ အျခားဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးတြဲလုပ္ ေဆာင္ၾကသည္။ ပရုိပိုဆယ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္စားသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ကြာျခားခ်က္မွာ မိမိအိပ္ကပ္ထဲမွ ေငြႏွင့္ မိမိယုံၾကည္ရာကိုလုပ္ၾကသျဖင့္ ထိေရာက္မႈရွိသည္။ ၎တို႔၏ ျပည္တြင္းလႈပ္ရွားမႈ တခ်ဳိ႕သည္ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္စားသူမ်ားထက္ ပိုထိေရာက္မႈရွိသည္။

ျပည္တြင္းလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားသည္ ၎တို႔ယုံၾကည္ရာ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကိုင္ဖက္မ်ား၊ သမိုင္းရွိသူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကိုသာ ဆက္ဆံျခင္း၊ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားပူးတြဲ၍ လုပ္ျခင္းတို႔ကို ျပဳလုပ္လိုၾကသည္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ေငြျဖင့္၀ယ္ယူလိုေသာ ေငြထုပ္ပိုက္ထားသူမ်ားကို ယုံၾကည္မႈလည္းမရွိ၊ တြဲလုပ္လိုစိတ္လည္းမရွိေခ်။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ေငြေၾကးွရွိေသာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ေအာင္ ျမင္မႈမရရွိပဲ ရပ္တန္႔ဆုတ္ယုတ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ (၂၀၀၈) ခုႏွစ္ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒအတည္ျပဳေရး ဆႏၵခံယူပြဲတြင္ “ Vote No & No Vote” ဟူသည့္ မဲလုံး၀မေပးပဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ျခင္းႏွင့္ မဲသြားေပးၿပီး ၎အေျခခံဥပေဒအတည္မျပဳႏိုင္ရန္ ဆန္႔က်င္မဲေပးျခင္းဟူ၍ အယူအဆႏွစ္ခု ကြဲထြက္လာခဲ့သည္။ ေအာက္ေျခထုအဖြဲ႕စည္းႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ နယ္စပ္ရွိ အဖြဲ႕ အစည္းအခ်ဳိ႕က လုံး၀မဲမေပးပဲဆန္႔က်င္ရန္။ “ No Vote” ကို လုပ္ခ်င္ၾကသည္ သို႔ရာတြင္ မဲရုံသို႔သြားၿပီး ဆန္႔က်င္မဲေပး၍ “ Vote No” ကိုလုပ္ခ်င္သူမ်ားက ေငြေၾကး ေထာက္ပံ့သူ မ်ားကို ၎တို႔တြင္ အင္အားရွိေၾကာင္း (နအဖ) ၏ အေျခခံဥပေဒ အတည္မျဖစ္ေစရန္ “ Vote No” လႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္ႏိုင္မည္ဟုအာမခံ၍ US ငါးသိန္းကို လက္ခံရယူၿပီး Vote No Campaign ကို ဦးေဆာင္လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္မွာ အမ်ားအသိပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ရလာဒ္မွာ (နအဖ) မွ အေကာက္ႀကံနည္းမ်ိဳးစံုသံုးလွ်က္ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ၉၀ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေက်ာ္ျဖင့္ အတည္ျပဳ သြားႏိုင္သည့္အတြက္ (နအဖ)၏ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ၎တို႔က မဲေပး၍ အတည္ျပဳေပးလိုက္ သကဲ့သို႔ ျဖစ္သြားရသည္။ အမွန္မွာ အဓိက အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ားဟု နာမည္တပ္ထားသူမ်ားသည္ ျပည္တြင္းမွလက္ခံႏိုင္သည့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားမဟုတ္သည့္အျပင္ ၎တုိ႔ကိုလည္း ျပည္တြင္း မွယုံၾကည္မႈမရွိျခင္း၊ ၎တို႔၏ ဆက္သြယ္ထားသည့္သူမ်ားမွာလည္း ေငြေၾကးရရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ သာလုပ္ကိုင္ေပးၾကၿပီး တကယ့္ခံစားခ်က္၊ ခံယူခ်က္ရွိသူမ်ားမဟုတ္ျခင္းသည္ အဓိကအား နည္းမႈပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

ယခုလည္း အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို (နအဖ)မွ ျငင္းပယ္လိုက္ပါက ဂ်ာကာတာအုပ္စုတြင္ ႏွစ္စုကြဲသြားႏိုင္သည္။ တစုသည္ နဂိုမူလရပ္တည္ခ်က္အတိုင္း အမာ လိုင္းသို႔ ျပန္လည္ဦးတည္သြားၿပီး စီပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔မႈကိုတင္းၾကပ္စြာျပဳလုပ္ေရး၊ ကုလသမဂၢ တြင္ ျမန္မာ့ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ကိုဖယ္ရွားေရး၊ ကာကြယ္မႈေပးရန္တာ၀န္ဆိုသည့္ R2P အရနိင္ငံ အတြင္းသို႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ၿပီးဒုကၡေရာက္ေနေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအားကယ္တင္ေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ တရားရုံးတြင္ စစ္ရာဇ၀တ္ေကာင္မ်ားအျဖစ္တင္ႏိုင္ေရးတို႔ကို ျပန္လည္ျပဳလုပ္လာၾကအုံးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ က်န္အုပ္စုကေတာ့ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ေခါင္းငုံ႔၀င္ၾကဖို႔ရွိသည္။ နိဂုံခ်ဳပ္အားျဖင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို တိုက္ဖ်က္ရန္အတြက္…..
၁။ ညီညြတ္ေရးကုိ ဘယ္လိုတည္ေဆာက္ၾကမလဲ၊
၂။ ဘယ္လို မဟာဗ်ဴဟာခ်မွတ္ရမလဲ ဆိုသည္ကို နက္နက္နဲနဲ စဥ္းစားဖို႔လိုၿပီ။

၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို တနည္းနည္းျဖင့္မွမ၀င္လွ်င္ ေဘးေရာက္သြားမယ္ဆိုတ့ဲ အေတြးအေခၚဟာ ရန္သူကိုဒူးေထာက္အည့ံခံေရး အေတြးအေခၚသာျဖစ္သည္၊ ငါတို႔ ဘာမွမလုပ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ရသမွ်ယူႏိုင္ေအာင္ ၀င္မွျဖစ္ေတာ့မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ NCGUB ရဲ႕အေတြးအေခၚဟာ လက္ခံႏိုင္စရာမရွိပါ။ မွန္ကန္တဲ့အေတြးအေခၚလည္းမဟုတ္ဟု ဆိုခ်င္ပါ သည္။ ညီညြတ္ေရးဆိုတဲ့စကားဟာ လူတိုင္းေျပာေနတဲ့စကား လူတိုင္းအေရးႀကီးတယ္ဆို တာကို သိေနတဲ့အေၾကာင္းအရာတခုပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါကိုဘာေၾကာင့္မလုပ္ႏိုင္တာလဲလို႔ ေမးစရာ ရွိလာပါသည္၊ အဓိက ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာ ညီညြတ္ေရးမလုပ္ႏိုင္တာက ပုဂၢဳိလ္ေရးမေၾက လည္မႈ၊ အုပ္စုဖြဲ႕ၿပီးၿခံခတ္ေနထိုင္ေရး ေထာက္ပ့ံသူမ်ားအလိုက် ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္း မွေသြဖယ္ၿပီးလုပ္ေနတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ဒါေတြကိုေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္ဖို႔က ၿခံစည္းရုိးေတြအကုန္ရိုက္ခ်ဳိးၿပီး ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးထက္ ငါတို႔ လက္နက္ကိုင္လမ္းစဥ္ကို ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားရမည္။ လုပ္ရမည္။ အဲဒီအတြက္ အားလုံးညီညီ ညြတ္ညြတ္နဲ႔ ေျပာရဲရမယ္ဆိုတဲ့အေတြးေခၚကို ကိုင္စြဲႏိုင္ဖို႔လိုတယ္လို႔ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ေထာက္ပံ့ သူေတြကို ငါတို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာ မင္းတို႔ႏိုင္ငံေတြလို လူေတြကအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနတာမဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာကို တဖြဲ႕ခ်င္းမဟုတ္ပဲ အုပ္စုအလုိက္ရွင္းျပရမယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ဥေရာပ၊ အေမရိက၊ အာရွႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားသူေတြကိုဖိတ္ၿပီး တေလးတစား လူရာသြင္းေဆြးေႏြးရင္ အမ်ားကေထာက္ ခံလာမွာျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ရဲရဲ၀့ံ၀ံ့သာခ်ျပေဆြးေႏြး၊ တကယ္ လည္းအေကာင္ထည္ေဖာ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာ့အဖြဲ႕စည္းေတြ၊ ေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္ လူေဟာင္းေတြ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔စည္းေတြအာလုံး ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေထာက္ပံ့မႈနဲ႔ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို စတင္ႏိုင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ ကိုယ့္လုပ္တဲ့အလုပ္ကိုယုံၾကည္ဖို႔ပါပဲ၊ ယုံၾကည္တဲ့အတိုင္းလဲ လုပ္ၾကမယ္ဆိုရင္ ျပည္သူေတြပါလာမွာပဲ၊ ယေန႔ျပည္သူေတြက ေရႊျပည္ေအးသမားေတြကို ေမွ်ာ္ေနတာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေကာင္းေတြကို ေမွ်ာ္ေန တာျဖစ္တယ္။ ABSDF တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ လူတေသာင္းေက်ာ္ ေတာထဲေရာက္လာေတာ့ ဘယ္သူက ေကြ်းခဲ့တာလဲဲ? ဆိုတာကို ျပန္ေမးဖို႔သင့္ပါတယ္၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကေကြ်းခဲ့တာပါ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သမားေတြက ေပးခဲ့တာပါ။ ပိုက္ဆံဆိုတာ၊ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈဆိုတာ ကိုယ္ကတကယ္လုပ္ႏိုင္ရင္ ေနာက္ကလိုက္လာတာပါ။ ပိုက္ဆံေနာက္မလိုက္ပဲ ယုံၾကည္ရာကိုလုပ္ဖို႔ပဲ လုိပါတယ္။

ပထမဆုံးလုပ္ရမည့္လုပ္ကေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးသားကြန္ဂရက္ႀကီး ေခၚယူေရးျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ဒီကြန္ဂရက္ႀကီးမွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႕မ်ား၊ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ဳိးဆက္မ်ား၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၊ တတ္သိပညာရွင္မ်ား အားလုံး ပါ၀င္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသား ကြန္ဂရက္ႀကီးေခၚယူႏိုင္ေရးကို အမ်ားက၀ိုင္း ၀န္းႀကိဳးစားရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကြန္ဂရက္ႀကီးမွ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္အစိုးရကို ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္သူ ျပတ္သားသူေတြကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေဖာင္းပြေနေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္း မ်ား၊ တပ္ေပါင္းစုအတြင္းမွ ထပ္ဖြဲ႕ထားသည့္ ေဘာ္ခ်က္ေနေသာ တပ္ေပါင္းစုကေလးမ်ားအား လုံးကုိဖ်က္သိမ္း၍ (ဖဆပလ) အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးကဲ့သို႔တခုတည္းေသာ အဖြဲ႔ႀကီးျဖစ္ရန္ သမိုင္းေပး အေျခအေနအရ လိုအပ္ေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

စစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔ကို လက္နက္မဲ့နည္းလမ္းတခုတည္းျဖင့္မရ လက္နက္ကိုင္ လမ္းစဥ္ နဲ႔ပါေပါင္းစပ္မွ ရႏိုင္မည္ဆုိသည့္ အယူအဆကို ၎ျမန္မာအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ကြန္ဂရက္ႀကီးမွ ကမၻာသိ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ထုတ္ျပန္၍ “ငါတို႔ ဒီလိုျမင္တယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီလိုလုပ္မယ္၊ မင္းတို႔ေျပာ ေနတဲ့ လက္နက္မဲ့နည္းက မင္းတို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာပဲရမယ္၊ လူအသက္ကို တန္ဘိုးမထားတဲ့ မိစၦာေတြရဲ႕လက္ထဲမွာ လက္နက္မဲ့ေက်ာင္းသားေတြြဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးအေရးေတာ္ပုံ ႀကီးဟာ ၿဖိဳခြဲခံခဲ့ရၿပီးၿပီ၊ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြရဲ႕ ေရႊ၀ါေရာက္ေတာ္လွန္ ေရးႀကီးကိုလည္း လက္ နက္အားကိုးနဲ႔ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ ၿဖိဳခြဲခဲ့ၿပီးၿပီ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္စုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ က်ဳိးစားမႈကိုလည္း ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ရပ္ဆုိုင္းထားလုိက္ၿပီ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ငါတို႔ႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီရရွိေရးအတြက္ ငါတို႔အစိုးရဖြဲ႕မယ္၊ အစိုးရမွာ တပ္လိုတယ္၊ ငါတို႕ရဲ႕တပ္ဟာ ျပည္ ေထာင္စုတိုင္းရင္းသားအားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ျပည္ေထာင္စုတပ္ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီတပ္ရဲ႕ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ က၊ ျပည္သူေတြကိုကာကြယ္ဖို႔ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ျပည္သူေတြ အတင္းအဓမၼေခ်ာဆြဲခိုင္းေနတာေတြ ရပ္တန္႔ဖို႔၊ ေက်းရြာေတြကို အတင္းအၾကပ္ေျပာင္းေရြ႕ေနတာကို ရပ္တန္႔ဖို႔၊ ကေလးငယ္ေတြ စစ္ထဲသြပ္သြင္း ေနတာေတြကို တားဆီးဖို႔၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စုဘြား တိုင္းရင္းသားအမ်ဳိးသမီး ငယ္ေတြကို ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ဖို႔၊ တပ္ရဲ႕မတရားမႈကို မႀကိဳက္လို႔ ဘက္ေျပာင္းလာတဲ့ အရာရွိ အၾကပ္တပ္သားေတြကို လက္ခံဖို႔၊ ႀကိဳဆိုဖို႔ ကာကြယ္ေပးဖို႔ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ငါတို႔ တပ္ဖြ႔ဲကအၾကမ္းဖက္ဖို႔မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ ကာကြယ္ေရးသာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ငါတို႔ အကူအညီလိုတယ္၊ ငါတို႔လမ္းစဥ္မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္းကို ႏိုင္ငံအသီးသီး မွာရွိေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြက ေထာက္ခံေနၾကၿပီဆိုတာကို ရဲရဲ၀ံ့၀ံ့ေျပာရဲရမယ္။ နိင္ငံ တကာအကူ အညီမရရင္ တိုက္မွရမယ္ဆိုတာကိုယုံၾကည္တဲ့ဲ့ ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပမွာရွိတဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ သူလူထု ရဲ႕ေထာက္ခံပ့ံပိုးမႈနဲ႔ဆက္လုပ္ရဲရမယ္ “တပ္ဖြဲ႕ရင္ ပိုက္ဆံရမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်” ဆိုရင္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွေတာ္လွန္ေရးဟာျဖစ္လာမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး ။



ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသစၥာျဖင့္
ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္
(August 11, 2009)